As he heads to federal prison for what could be decades, one important question lingers: How much did his extortion, kickback and bribery rackets contribute to the city’s financial crisis and its filing in July for the largest municipal bankruptcy in the nation’s history?
“Kilpatrick is not the main culprit of the city’s historic bankruptcy, which is the result of larger social and economic forces at work for decades,” federal prosecutors said in court documents. “But his corrupt administration exacerbated the crisis.”
…But much more difficult to quantify is the nonmonetary cost of corruption: the betrayal of the public’s trust. The honest contractors who were elbowed out of deals, even though their bids were lower. The businesses that refused to participate in pay-to-play schemes and just stayed away — or went somewhere else.
“The numbers don’t tell the gravity of the situation,” said Reid Schar, the former federal prosecutor who successfully prosecuted former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich. “When you have public corruption cases, the things that are very difficult to gauge and are not captured are, ‘How much of public confidence is eroded by what the person has done? …
“How do you put a value on a company that didn’t bid or get the job?’ You don’t know.”
In 2002, for example, Kilpatrick killed a plan to add a House of Blues restaurant at Ford Field because the company that proposed it refused to hire Kilpatrick’s father and codefendant as its minority partner. Kilpatrick had pledged $10 million in city funds but changed his mind when the company refused to hire his dad.
In 2006, Ferguson used his relationship with the mayor to pressure a company into giving him 40% of a contract to renovate the Detroit police headquarters. The company offered 30%. Ferguson declined. The company then bowed out of the deal.
In 2001, minority contractor William Hayes was stiffed out of a $24.7-million sewer repair job that Kilpatrick steered to Ferguson instead. Six years later, Hayes closed his 40-year-old excavation business, claiming later that Ferguson and Kilpatrick made it impossible for him to compete for water and sewer contracts.
“He helped put me out of business,” Hayes told the Free Press in March, referring to Ferguson. “It said right in the text messages. He told Kwame to put me out.”
Meanwhile, Kilpatrick padded the city payroll with friends and family, including a cousin who admitted stealing nearly $20,000 from the Manoogian Mansion restoration fund. City payroll records show that more than two dozen of Kilpatrick’s appointees were relatives or close friends who got an average 36% in salary increases while other employees got 2%.